A few weeks ago, I
visited a friend in Santa Barbara. Upon stopping at an ice cream shop, we took
a nice stroll through the downtown area. However, our evening soon took an
unsettling turn as we walked by Starbucks. Suddenly, a Black man in his
twenties or early thirties hastily exited the building, informing us that the
employees called the police on him. Recalling recent events such as the harassment
and wrongful arrest of two Black men in a Philadelphia Starbucks and the
vicious profiling of a Black Muslim man who received his coffee with “ISIS”
printed on the cup, we entered the store.
The two White
women workers who called the cops claimed the guest was “erratic” and “aggressive”;
however, they cited an “example” of him appearing to be asleep while looking
down at his phone. After we immediately pointed out the recent events involving
the harassment of Black guests in Starbucks, the workers apologized to my
friend and I, rather than apologizing to the guy for whom they wrongfully contacted
the police. We contacted corporate via phone, e-mail, and a live online chat
service.
Having recently
experienced several instances of profiling, Rashida Richardson, Jason M.
Schultz, and Kate Crawford’s “Dirty Data, Bad Predictions: How Civil Rights
Violations Impact Police Data, Predictive Policing Systems, and Justice” stood
out me in this week’s readings. While the Safiya Umoja Noble reading from our
last class meeting dealt with issues surrounding how the biases of software
engineers shape the algorithm’s representation of oppressed groups, the
Richardson et al. paper similarly featured a timely discussion on how dirty
data translates into predictive policing programs, thus disproportionately
affecting “overly policed” and excessively criminalized groups.[1] Interestingly, amidst the
aforementioned experiences and discussions on how software engineers and the
reporters of “dirty data” negatively impact oppressed groups, the live online
chat personnel were not as receptive or understanding of the situation when my
friend communicated via this outlet.
Taking it home . .
.
In a discussion on
“dirty data” in the Richardson et al. study, the authors note how “…even calling
this information ‘data’ could be considered a misnomer, since ‘data’ implies some
type of consistent scientific measure or approach.”[2] Moreover, the authors
report how the New Orleans Police Department has refused to confront certain
types of complaints regarding “discriminatory policing.”[3] Interestingly, in my blog
post on October 3, 2019, I mentioned how the Department refuses to act upon
certain situations (specified in the previous post) in a meaningful way despite
several student complaints over the years. Additionally, despite various
racially insensitive teachings and incidents, TAs are expected to grade “according
to the expectations of the instructor”[4] and certain courses have
what is in theory (and even stated in manuals) a secret (perhaps "dirty") distribution curve (no formula) that
resembles the Richardson et al.’s observed phenomenon of dirty data serving as a misnomer.
While it’s great
to have discussions on these issues, as I stressed in my Queer OS presentation,
it’s interesting to integrate it into practice.
--Kam
[1] Safiya
Umoja Noble, Algorithms of Oppression: How Search Engines Reinforce Racism
(New York, NY: NYU Press, 2018); Rashida Richardson, Jason Schultz, and Kate
Crawford, “Dirty Data, Bad Predictions: How Civil Rights Violations Impact
Police Data, Predictive Policing Systems, and Justice,” New York University
Law Review, 2019, 197.
[2] Richardson,
Schultz, and Crawford, “Dirty Data, Bad Predictions: How Civil Rights
Violations Impact Police Data, Predictive Policing Systems, and Justice,” 199.
[4] Teaching
Assistant Guide, 2019-2020 (Los Angeles, CA: Division of Cinema and
Media Studies, School of Cinematic Arts, University of Southern California,
2019), 23.
No comments:
Post a Comment